The heroic age in Darfur: a history of the pre-colonial kingdom of Darfur ca. 1500-1916.

The political marginalization of the Darfur region since the creation of colonial Sudan has resulted in one of the continent's longest-standing conflicts, which threatens to destroy the country's social fabric and its historical heritage.

Just as the plight of modern Darfur continues to receive little attention, its historical significance in shaping the political landscape of pre-colonial Sudan is equally overlooked. The modern region of Darfur derives its name from the pre-colonial kingdom/sultanate of Darfur, a vast multi-ethic state nearly twice the size of France that flourished for over four centuries between the end of medieval Nubia and the establishment of modern Sudan.

As a central authority in the region since the end of the Middle Ages, the kingdom had a direct influence on all facets of life in Darfur's diverse society through the establishment of governance tools and structures, administrative institutions, customs, and traditions that sustained the region's autonomy for centuries.

This article explores the history of the Darfur kingdom, its institutions, and its society before its marginalization during the colonial and post-colonial era.

Map of Sudan during the 16th and 18th centuries, showing the kingdom of Darfur.¹

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Background to the rise of Darfur: the kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur

Between the 10th and 15th centuries, new political formations emerged among the various Nubian-speaking groups in the semi-arid regions to the west of the Christian-Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia, which preceded the formation of the kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur.

The rulers of the Daju were credited with establishing the first dynasty in the region that later became Darfur, according to most traditional accounts transcribed in later periods. Historians suggest that the Daju are likely to be the 'Tajuwa' in the 12th-century account of al-Idrisi, who located their capital of 'Tajawa' between the kingdoms of Nubia and Kanem. Later accounts from the 13th and 15th centuries by Ibn Sai’d and Al-Maqrizi mention that the ‘Tajuwa/Taju were absorbed by the Kanem empire, and identify them as part of the Zaghawa of Kanem ‘who work with stone’. There are a number of ruined sites with stone structures, palaces, and graves eg Dar Wona and Jebel Kilwa, which are attributed to the Daju, but remain undated.²

At the end of the Middle Ages, societies in the region of modern Darfur became part of a broader cultural and political renaissance under Islamic auspices that extended from the Nile valley to the eastern shores of Lake Chad.

Much of the available documentary and archeological record of this period comes from the Nubian Nile valley which was controlled by the Funj kingdom after the fall of Christian Nubia. a few fragmentary accounts and traditions relate to the Tunjur kingdom that succeeded the Daju, and laid the foundation for the emergence of the early Darfur state. A religious endowment in Medina by the Tunjur monarchs that's dated to 1576 indicates that the Tunjur rulers were Muslims. However, the institution of Islam coexisted with other pre-existing religious traditions, often associated with sacred hilltop sites and agricultural rites.³

The history of the Tunjur is mostly known from traditions and written accounts about its collapse and the formation of the new kingdoms of the 17th century that replaced it, especially Darfur and Wadai, which claim that the Tunjur reportedly forced their subjects to remove the tops of mountains so that their castles could be constructed there.⁴

While this likely exaggerates the Tunjur's coercive power, archeological surveys at the ruined sites of Uri , ‘Ayn Farāh and Dowda have uncovered the remains of these impressive red-brick structures, including palaces, paved roads, cemeteries, and two buildings that could be mosques, that were architecturally similar to elite residences in the Bornu empire, and in the Nile valley. The material culture recovered from these sites was predominantly local in origin, indicating that they were constructed by autochthons, but some of it shares some similarities with that found in the Nubian Nile valley, suggesting contacts between these regions during this period.⁵

The 1582 account of the geographer Lorenzo d’Anania indicates that Tunjur was a large state, noting that "Uri, a very important city, whose prince is called Nina, or emperor, and who is obeyed by neighbouring countries, namely the kingdom of Aule, Zurla, Sagava [Zaghāwa], Memmi [Mīma], Musulat [Masālīt], Morga, Saccae and Dagio [Daju]. This prince, who is allied to the Turks, is very powerful and is supplied with arms by merchants from Cairo".⁶

ruins of the 16th century Tunjur capital Ain Fara in DarFur, Sudan, including sections of the mosque, palace, and a reception hall. Photos by A. J. Arkell, Peter Verney.

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The kingdom of Darfur from the 17th to 18th century.

The era of the Tunjur was shortlived, as traditions recorded in the 19th century describe a shift in power from the Tunjur royals to the Keira royals of the Fur-speaking groups through intermarriage that produced the first Darfur king Daali and involved the activities of a fuqara (holy-man/scholar) from the Nubian Nile valley. This description of the change of power from the Tunjur to the Keira condenses a complex history that indicates the existence of a Keira kingdom in Darfur contemporary with the Tunjur between the semi-legendary king Daali and the first historical Darfur sultan Sulayman.⁷

The Keira royal lineage originated from the Kunjara section of the Fur people, who controlled a kingdom in the Jabal Marra that recognized the suzerainty of the Tunjur monarchs and was likely linked to it through intermarriage. There are several ruins at the site of Turra, associated by local tradition with a long line of Keira rulers from Daali upto the sultan Muḥammad Tayrāb (d. 1785), including palaces, tombs and mosques. A dynastic split forced some of the Keira royals eastwards to the region of Kordofan where they formed the kingdom of Musabba‘āt. Others fled to the southern kingdom of Masālīt, before one of them, Sulaymān returned to Jabal Marra.⁸

Sultan Sulaymān is remembered in the traditions as a warrior and conqueror; in one version he is said to have led thirty-three campaigns, subsuming various neighboring kingdoms including the Masālīt, Oro and Marārīt to the west, the Zaghāwa to the north and the Birged, Beigo and Tunjur to the south and east. While most of the campaigns attributed to him were undertaken by his later successors, there is some documentary evidence for an expansionist Darfur in the late 17th century, particularly in the Kordofan region between Darfur and Funj, where a section of the army was reportedly captured by followers of a faqīh Ḥammad b. Umm Maryūm (1646-1729) before he sent them back as missionaries.⁹

Sulayman and his successors reinvigorated the external trade developed by the Tunjur as well as the Islamization of the kingdom's institutions by constructing mosques and inviting scholary families from the Nubian Nile valley and west Africa that were given grants of land and exempted from paying tribute. It’s during this period that Darfur appears in external accounts from 1668 and 1689, with the former account describing 'the land of the Fohr' (Fur), as the terminus of an important trade route to Egypt, from where ivory, tamarind, captives, and ostrich feathers were obtained. These commodities would continue to feature in the kingdom’s external trade, although they represented a minor fraction of the domestic trade in agro-pastoral economy.¹⁰

Firmer documentary evidence for the kingdom's expansion comes from the reign of Aḥmad Bukr (r. 1682-1722), who, according to accounts transcribed in the 19th century, moved his capital (fashir) as he campaigned outside Jabal Marra. Aḥmad Bukr conquered the kingdom of Dār Qimr, and formed marital alliances with the various Zaghāwa polities between Darfur and Wadai. This invited retaliation from Sultan Ya‘qūb of Wadai, who invaded Darfur but was later driven back by Aḥmad Bukr's army, which then turned east to campaign in Kordofan where he would later die.¹¹ By the time of Bukr’s death about 1730, the Darfur kingdom extended over 360,000 sqkm, bringing its borders closer to equally powerful kingdoms of Funj and Wadai, whose competition with Darfur would dominate the region's political landscape for the next two centuries.¹²

Internal and regional contests for power characterized the reign of Ahmad Bukr’s successors, especially Umar Lel (r. 1732-1739), whose authority was challenged by disgruntled keira royals like his uncle Sulaymān alAbyad. The latter had fled to Kordofan which prompted an attack by Umar Lel, who forced Sulaymān to form an alliance with a group of herders on the Darfur frontier known as the Rizayqāt, who promptly invaded Darfur but were defeated. Umar Lel then attacked Wadai, whose king supported Sulaymān, but the sultan was defeated and imprisoned at the Wadai capital. He was succeeded by Abu’l-Qāsim (r. 1739-1752) who continued the war with Wadai but was abandoned by the nobles and deposed in favor of Muḥammad Tayrāb (r. 1752-1785) who established a fixed capital at El-Fashir, concluded a peace treaty with Wadai and delineated a border between the two kingdoms marked by stone cairns and walls, known as the tirja (barrier).¹³

interior of the Jadeed al sail mosque built by Sultan Tayrab in 1760 at Shoba, north of El-Fashir¹⁴, photo by Intisar Soghayroun el Zein

ruins of the Shoba mosque and Sultan Tayrab’s Palace. photos by Andrew McGregor

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The administrative structure of Darfur: Politics, Land tenure, Military and Society.

The political organization of the sultanate evolved as it expanded and as the different sultans and the royal lineage gradually centralized their power at the expense of pre-existing title-holders and lineage heads.

At the head of the kingdom's administration was the Sultan (aba kuuri) who only came from the Keira royal lineage, and whose installation was often confirmed by the most powerful nobles/titleholders at the capital. Besides the numerous titleholders, the Sultan was also assisted by other royals, most importantly the royal women such as the Queen (iiya kuuri), the king's sister (iiya baasi) and traditional religious heads, as well as the chosen heir (khalifa), that were later joined by non-royal dependants who populated the king’s capital at El-Fashir.¹⁵

The sultans were surrounded by a complex and elaborate hierarchy of title-holders numbering several hundred, some of whom were appointed, some hereditary, some territorial, and others were religious figures. These offices, whose titles often included the term ‘abbo’ or ‘aba’, (eg the ába ǎw mang and ába dima’ng) are too many to list here, but some of the most important among the appointed offices included the wazīr, the maqdūms (commissioners), the jabbayīn (tribute collectors), the takanyāwī (the provincial governor in the north), etc¹⁶.

The basis of administration was the quadrant division into provinces (dar al-takanawi in the north, dar dali in the east, dar urno in the south, and dar diima in the southwest), each under a provincial governor (aba diimaŋ), sub-governors (shartay), local chiefs (dimlijs), and village heads (eliŋ wakīl), the first three of whom had their own administrative systems, raised armies for the sultan and sent taxes and tribute at the annual jalūd al-naḥās festival,¹⁷ According to one 19th century visitor, Gustav Nachitgal, records of taxes and tributes were kept at the Sultan’s palace, along with other government records, and books of laws containing the basic principles of administration¹⁸.

Map of the Darfur kingdom’s administrative divisions by al-Tunusi, redrawn by Rex O’Fahey.

The maghrebian traveler Al-Tūnisī, who lived in Darfur from 1804-1814, and whose account provides much of the documentary record about the kingdom until that date, mentions various small kingdoms on Darfur's frontier, including Mīdawb, Bartī, Birqid, Barqū, Tunjūr, and Mīmah, noting that “Each of these kingdoms had a ruler called a sultan appointed by the Fur sultan".¹⁹ He also describes how the title-holders were granted, in lieu of salary, estates, out of whose revenues they maintained their soldiers and followers. These estates (ḥākūra) developed out of local systems of land tenure, and would later be expressed in the terminology used in the Islamic heartlands when land charters began to be issued by the Darfur sultans in the 17th century.²⁰

The control of Land and regulation of its transfer and sale was central to the administration of the kingdom, the rewarding of loyal titleholders, and the integration of foreign scholars. [This contradicts the often-repeated claims that land was generally considered unimportant in pre-colonial Africa] The ḥākūra system became essential to the maintenance of a privileged class of title-holders, especially at the capital, and the land charters it produced provided the bulk of the surviving documents from pre-colonial Darfur which contain precious information on the kingdom’s official chancery, its legal system and its land tenure. ²¹

land charter of Darfur king Muhammad al-Fadl to a Zaghawa nobleman's family in Darfur, dated 1801, Court transcript of a land dispute, dated 1805.

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The basis of Darfur's military strength were the levies (jureŋa) mobilized by the provincial governors and local chiefs, each under a war leader (ɔrnaŋ), who provided soldiers with fighting equipment. However, as the kingdom expanded, the Sultans also raised personal armies to reduce their dependence on the title holders, they thus equipped small units of horsemen and infantrymen with imported arms and armor. An account from 1862, reported that the kingdom’s army consisted of about 3,000 cavalry, of whom 600 to 1,000 were heavily armed, and some 70,000 infantry armed with swords, laces and javelins.²²

Besides the many sedentary groups that recognized the sultan's authority, the kingdom was surrounded from the east and south by many groups of mobile herders, including the Fulbe, and the Arab-speaking²³ Messiriya and Rizaigat groups, who were tributaries of the Sultan but not subjects of the kingdom, and often fled south to avoid the armies of Darfur. Tayrāb registered better success in the east, where he defeated the Musabba‘āt king Hashim and brought much of Kordofan under Darfur's control, campaigning as far as Ormdurman.²⁴

The kingdom reached its apogee during the reign of Abd Abd al-Raḥmān (r1785-1801) and his son, Muḥammad al-Faḍl (r. 1801-1838). These kings ruled over a vast state which now covered approximately 860,000 sqkm, they consolidated their predecessor's gains, and appointed qadis (judges) and scholars (Fuqara) as advisors. The kingdom’s domestic economy was largely based on exchanges of agro-pastoral products, textiles, and other crafts between regional markets, as well as larger towns and cities like el-Fashir and Nyala, while its relatively small external trade remained mostly the same as it had been described in the account of 1668 mentioned above.²⁵

The kingdom hosted many scholarly families from the Funj region and west Africa and became an important stop point along the pilgrimage route from the west African kingdoms of Bornu and Birgimi. As an inducement to settle, the sultans could offer the fuqara land through the ḥākūra system or tax exemptions, and some of them, eg Alī al-Fūtūwī eventually became involved in the political contents at the capital.²⁶ While Darfur is a predominantly Muslim society, the adoption of Islam was gradual and varied, as practitioners of the religion continued to co-exist with other traditional belief systems and practices. In his description of Darfur’s society, Al-tunsi often contrasted it with his home country, especially regarding the role of women, noting that “the men of Darfur undertake no business without the participation of the women,” and that “In all other matters [besides war], men and women are equal”²⁷

The kingdom's external contacts increased, likely as a consequence of its geographic importance in the pilgrimage route from West Africa and the growth of its local scholarly communities that were linked with Egypt. In 1792, the Darfur Sultan ‘Abd al-Raḥmān sent an embassy to the Ottoman sultan, who replied by awarding him the honorific title al-rashīd (‘the just’) which duly appeared on his royal seals. Abd al-Raḥmān also corresponded with the French general Napoleon during the latter’s brief occupation of Egypt.²⁸

Letter from ʿAbd al-Raḥmān of Darfur to Selim III,. Cumhurbaşkanliği Osmanli Arşivi, Istanbul, Letter from ʿAbd al-Raḥmān of Darfur to the ‘sultan of France’ Napoleon Bonaparte. Service historique de la Défense (Vincennes), gr B6 60, cl. M. Tuchscherer.

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Darfur in the 19th century

During the later half of Muḥammad al-Faḍl's reign, the kingdom lost the province of Kordofan in 1821 to the armies of Muḥammad ‘Alī, the Ottoman governor of Egypt who also invaded the Funj kingdom but failed to expand to Darfur. To the west of the Kingdom, Muḥammad al-Faḍl took advantage of the succession crisis in Wadai by installing one of the rival claimants, Muḥammad al-Sharīf, to claim the throne in exchange for recognizing the suzerainty of Darfur, which was later repudiated. Campaigns against the mobile herders in the north such as the Arab-speaking Maḥāmīd, Mahrīya, ‘Irayqāt, and Zayādīya brought the region under Darfur's control, but campaigns against the herder groups in the south saw limited success.²⁹

During the second half of the 19th century, the extension of direct trade routes between the Nile valley and the southern frontier of Darfur during the reign of Muhammad al-Husayn (r. 1838–1873), as well as the restriction of firearm sales from Egypt, gradually undercut some of the sources of the long-distance trade to the kingdom, and forced the sultans to raise taxes on their subjects, which proved unpopular. In the 1860s, militant traders like al-Zubayr Raḥma carved out their own empires in the region by building local alliances and raising armies, often acting independently of their overlords in Egypt.³⁰

The reigning sultan Muḥammad al-Ḥusayn (d. 1873) tried to weaken al-Zubayr's confederation by breaking up some of his alliances, prompting a diplomatic conflict with the latter that devolved into war. After the installation of Sultan al-Husayn's son Ibrāhīm, the armies of al-Zubayr advanced into Darfur and fought several battles with the Sultan's armies between November 1873 and October 1874, before the latter capitulated. Al-Zubayr then entered the capital, where he was joined a few days afterward by Ismā‘īl Pasha, who formally incorporated Darfur into the Khedive empire against al-Zubayr's wishes.³¹

Al-Zubayr went to Cairo to protest but was detained by the Khedive’s officers, while the deposed sultans of Darfur retreated into Jabal Marra, where they sought to maintain the Kingdom, with some degree of success. The Ottoman-Egyptians were later expelled by the Mahdist movement in 1881 whose rulers took over much of the Khedive’s territories in modern Sudan, but the Keira sultan ‘Alī Dīnār b. Zakarīya, a son of Sultan Muḥammad al-Faḍl supported the anti-Mahdist forces before he surrendered in 1891 and spent 7 years detained at the court of the Mahdist rulers. After the British invasion of the Mahdist state in September 1898, ‘Alī Dīnār returned to el-Fashir with a group of Fur and other chiefs to Dār Fūr and declared himself sultan.³²

Palace of Ali Dinar at El-Fashir, Sudan.

An embassy from Sultan Ali Dinar in Khartoum, capital of British Sudan, ca 1907, Quai branly.

The newly established colonial government in Sudan had no immediate wish to annex Dār Fūr, and from 1898 to 1916 ‘Alī Dīnār ruled the sultanate, reviving the old administrative system, constructed a palace, regranted the old titles and ḥākūras, and drove back the Arab nomads who had encroached on the settled land during the chaos of the preceding period. Ali Dinar’s relations with the colonial government deteriorated, mainly over the threat of the French colonial expansion from modern Chad, and in 1916, influenced by the Pan-Islamic propaganda of the Turks and the Sanūsīya in Libya, he declared war on the British. Dār Fūr was invaded by the colonial armies which defeated ‘Ali Dīnār’s army at Birinjīya near al-Fāshir and formally incorporated the kingdom into colonial Sudan.³³

Darfur was largely neglected during the colonial period unlike the riverine regions of Sudan where many of the people of Darfur were compelled to travel for employment and education. This continued into the post-colonial period when the riverine elites inherited the colonial administration and the region’s neglect led to the rise of armed rebellions in the early 2000s.³⁴ The government responded to these rebellions by arming local militias (janjaweed) drawn from the Arab-speaking nomads, marking the start of a gruesome war that eventually led to the current conflict.

<< as of writing this article, the old city of El-Fashir remains the Sudanese army’s last stronghold in the region of Darfur, despite the brutal siege by the Janjaweed-RSF militia, its defenders consider it too strategically significant to abandon >>

Ali Dinar’s palace. Like many of Sudan’s historic monuments in populated centers, the old palace is unlikely to have survived the war.

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Support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by donating to the community kitchen in Omdurman here:

or reach out to Khartoum Aid Kitchen, and follow Mohanad Elbalal for updates.

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1. Map by /u/Redeyedtreefrog2 on reddit.

2. The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 3-6, The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 34-57

3. The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia By Geoff Emberling, Bruce Williams pg 900-901)

4. The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 67-71, 85-87

5. The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 95-121, The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 199-202

6. The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 101

7. Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 275-277, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg *100-104

[* these are not the exact page numbers]

8. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 105-107, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 73-74

9. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 110)

10. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 109)

11. Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 280-282

12. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 113-115)

13. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 116-120, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 283-289

14. The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 218

15. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 117, 121, 125-127, 133-134, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 151, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 328-329.

16. In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 143-145

17. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 135-137, 140-141, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 120-121, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 324-345.

18. Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 272-273

19. In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 118

20. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 138-139)

21. Land in Dar Fur Charters and related documents from the Dar Fur Sultanate, Translated with an introduction by R. S. O'Fahey, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 139-140, Land documents in Dār Fūr sultanate (Sudan, 1785–1875): Between memory and archives

22. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 115-117, 158)

23. The ethnonym of ‘Arabs’ in Sudan (and indeed most of Africa below the Sahara) shouldn’t be confused with our modern/western concept of race. for example, Al-Tunisi mentions the people of Darfur “had never seen an Arab before” him, they were curious at his “ruddy” skin color, and thought he was “unripe”, similar to how their neighbors in the kingdom of Funj reacted to the Turkish traveler Celebi . see pg 126, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī.

24. In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 118-119, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 121-122)

25. In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg xix-xx, 100-101, 108, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 290-304.

26. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 148-151)

27. The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 227-228, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 167-172

28. An Embassy from the Sultan of Darfur to the Sublime Porte in 1791 by A.C.S. Peacock,

29. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 153-157)

30. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 158-159, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 306-318.

31. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 160-161, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 321-323.

32. In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg xxii

33. Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 164)

34. Darfur: Struggle of Power and Resources, 1650-2002, An Institutional Perspective by Yousif Suliman Saeed Takana